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You are here: Home / Family Laws / Is There a Constitutional Right for LGBTQ+ to Marry?

2026-05-14 by

Is There a Constitutional Right for LGBTQ+ to Marry?

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This commentary examines the landmark decision of the Supreme Court of India in Supriyo @ Supriya Chakraborty & Anor v. Union of India [2024] 2 TCLR 1, a case that navigates the delicate intersection of individual identity, traditional social structures, and the limits of judicial power.

 

1. The Human and Institutional Tension

At the heart of this case is a profound human tension: the desire of sexual and gender minorities to have their most intimate relationships recognized by the state with the same dignity and benefits afforded to heterosexual couples. Pitted against this is an institutional reality—the legal framework of marriage is a complex web of statutes governing property, succession, and social welfare that was built upon a heteronormative foundation. The petitioners sought a transformation of this institution through the court, while the State argued for the preservation of marriage as a legislative creation.

 

2. Brief Facts

The proceedings involved a batch of petitions filed by LGBTQ+ individuals and couples. They challenged the constitutionality of the Special Marriage Act 1954 (SMA)—India’s secular marriage law—on the grounds that it only recognizes marriages between a “man” and a “woman”. The petitioners argued that this exclusion violates their fundamental rights to equality, dignity, and privacy under the Indian Constitution. They sought to have gendered terms like “husband” and “wife” in the law interpreted neutrally as “spouse”.

 

3. Main Legal Issue

The core question for the Court was whether there exists a fundamental right to marry under the Constitution that compels the State to recognize same-sex unions, and if so, whether the Court can “read in” these rights to existing statutes or must wait for Parliament to act.

 

4. What the Court Decided

The Supreme Court of India delivered a unanimous verdict on the status of marriage but split 3:2 on the extent of other union-related rights:

  • No Constitutional Right to Marry: All five judges agreed that there is no unqualified fundamental right to marry under the Constitution.

  • The Special Marriage Act: The Court unanimously held that it cannot interpret the SMA to include same-sex couples, as doing so would amount to “judicial legislation”—the court cannot rewrite the law.

  • Transgender Rights: The Court was unanimous in confirming that transgender persons in heterosexual relationships have the right to marry under existing law.

  • Split on “Right to Union”: The Minority (including the Chief Justice) argued for a constitutional “right to union” (civil unions) with positive state obligations. However, the Majority (3 JJ) disagreed, ruling that any legal status for such unions can only be created through enacted law by Parliament.

 

5. Why the Court Decided This Way

The Majority emphasized Separation of Powers. They reasoned that marriage is a “polycentric” issue—a decision on one aspect (like marriage) has a cascading effect on a “spider’s web” of other laws including adoption, succession, and tax. The Court felt it lacked the institutional capacity to reorder society’s fundamental units, a task constitutionally assigned to the legislature.

6. Key Legal Principles

  • Judicial Restraint: The Court will not step into the domain of policy-making when the outcome requires a comprehensive new legal regime.

  • Statutory vs. Fundamental Rights: Marriage is a statutory right (granted by law) rather than an inherent constitutional right that exists regardless of state action.

  • Indirect Discrimination: The Majority acknowledged that while the law may be neutral, its exclusion of queer couples from benefits (like insurance or pension) has a discriminatory impact that the State should address via a high-powered committee.

 

7. Practical Lessons for HR and Business Leaders

While the Court did not legalize same-sex marriage, the judgment provides clear markers for the corporate world:

  1. Anti-Discrimination Compliance: All judges agreed that the queer community must not be discriminated against in access to goods and services.

  2. Transgender Recognition: Businesses must recognize the self-identified gender of employees (male, female, or third gender) without requiring surgical proof.

  3. Benefits Policies: The Court highlighted the injustice of queer partners being excluded from “earned benefits” like gratuity or joint bank accounts. Proactive HR departments should consider inclusive definitions of “dependent” or “nominee” in insurance and pension schemes to mitigate these discriminatory impacts.

8. How this affects similar cases in Malaysia

For the Malaysian reader, this Indian precedent offers a compelling preview of how our courts might approach similar tensions:

  • Judicial Philosophy: Much like India, Malaysia’s judiciary often adheres to the principle of Separation of Powers. If a challenge were brought against our Law Reform (Marriage and Divorce) Act 1976 (LRA), Malaysian courts might similarly rule that changing the definition of marriage is a matter for Parliament, not the Bench.

  • Constitutional Interpretation: Malaysia’s Article 8 (Equality) and Article 5 (Liberty) mirror India’s Articles 14 and 21. The Indian Court’s finding that “liberty” does not automatically create an “institution” like marriage is a significant interpretive guide.

  • The Dual Legal System: Unlike India’s secular SMA, Malaysia’s legal landscape is deeply shaped by the dual-track system. Any attempt to recognize same-sex unions would face even steeper institutional hurdles here due to the jurisdiction of Syariah laws over Muslims, which explicitly prohibit such relationships.

  • Transgender Precedents: Malaysia has its own evolving jurisprudence on gender identity (e.g., the Wan Abduz Aziz case). The Indian Court’s firm stance on the marriage rights of transgender persons in heterosexual relationships may serve as a persuasive reference for future litigation in Kuala Lumpur.

 

Reflective Conclusion

The Supriyo Chakraborty case is a reminder that the law is often a lagging indicator of social change. It validates the identity of queer individuals while simultaneously acknowledging the structural limits of the court to “fix” a society’s institutional definitions by decree.

Important Notice.

This article is not meant to be a substitute for professional legal advice. Please consult with a legal practitioner if you are exploring similar issues. If you are interested, our firm offers professional consultations on this matter.

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